Saturday, May 14, 2011

CAPE-(REPUBLIC SOUTH AFRICA)

FLAG OF CAPE
Leader Jack Miller
Founded 2007
Headquarters Cavendish Close,
Office G,
Warwick Street,
Claremont,
Cape Town
Ideology Separatism
International affiliation None
Official colours Blue and Red
National Assembly members 0
Website
www.capeparty.com
Politics of South Africa
Political parties
Elections
President
Deputy President
Parliament
Council of Provinces
National Assembly
Constitutional Court

The Cape Party (CAPE) is a political party in South Africa which seeks to use all constitutional and legal means to bring about independence for the Western Cape, Northern Cape (excluding two districts)[1], six municipalities in the Eastern Cape, and one municipality in the Free State.[2] The party grew out of a Facebook group[3] in 2007,[4] and is led by Jack Miller, who worked as an actor when he first assumed the leadership.[5] In 2009, it had a membership of approximately 1000 people.[5]

It is registered with the Independent Electoral Commission and was on the provincial ballot of the Western Cape in the South African general elections of 2009,[6] where it received 2,552 votes, or 0.13% of the vote.[7] It will stand again for the municipal elections of 2011.[8]

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[edit] Platform

The party believes that the population of the Western Cape and parts of surrounding provinces (which it calls the Cape Nation),[9] is culturally and linguistically distinct from the rest of South Africa, and is therefore entitled to statehood under chapter 14, section 235 of the South African Constitution.[2] It alleges that the Republic of South Africa is a colonial construct,[9] and that the people of the Western Cape are being oppressed by the national government. It claims that the national government and legislative apparatus are racist and totalitarian[2], and has referred to President Jacob Zuma as an illegitimate occupier of the Cape.[10] Black economic empowerment, affirmative action and housing allocation policies have been provided as examples of the national government's racist policies.[5]

The party claims that its policies are modeled after the Torch Commando, who protested against the Apartheid government's removal of suffrage from coloured voters in the Cape Province.[citation needed]

The party claims that 75% of the Western Cape's tax revenues are spent outside of the province — a practice it has compared to rape. It has alleged that the province would be more economically successful if these revenues were spent within its borders, making it one of "the top 10 wealthiest countries income per capita [sic] in the world".[2] Miller has further claimed that the proposed Cape Republic would perform better economically than any individual province in South Africa, and, contradicting an earlier claim, that R58 of every R100 of tax revenue contributed by the Western Cape is spent within its borders.[11]

According to spokespeople, the party believes education should be a priority in the Western Cape, and is a solution to many of the province's problems. Representatives have also spoken out against politicisation of the civil service, and cited poorly controlled immigration as a primary cause of crime.[12]

The Cape Party has said that it occupies a unique position, as it focuses on local issues, instead of attempting to contest power in national elections, which would legitimise the national political machinery.[2]

The party believes in a system of direct democracy where the electorate are consulted in referenda before passing laws. It also supports the ability of individual communities and cultural groups to determine the laws that govern them.[citation needed] It supports free ports, and has suggested turning its prospective republic into a tax haven.[1]

The party has stated that it has an internal consensus in support of the death penalty, but would put the issue to a public referendum if elected.[1] Capital punishment is forbidden by the South African constitution.[13][14]

[edit] Proposed state

The proposed Cape Republic would include all the municipalities in the Western Cape, six in the Eastern Cape, one in the Free State and all but two in the Northern Cape. The area includes all municipalities in those provinces with an Afrikaans-speaking majority.

Geographical distribution of Afrikaans in South Africa: proportion of the population that speaks Afrikaans at home.
0–20%
20–40%
40–60%

60–80%
80–100%

[edit] Process of secession

The party cites various legal provisions and frameworks to support its position that the "Cape Nation" has a right to self-government. These include[1]:

The constitutional law scholar Pierre de Vos, however, has said that the Cape Party could not secede without a revolution. As the constitution has created a unitary state, he has said that threatening the unity of the country would be treason.[8]

The Cape Party has said that it will seek to build consensus with the dominant political parties in the Western Cape, such as the Democratic Alliance. In response, Democratic Alliance federal executive chairperson James Selfe said that the Cape Party was "not a party we take seriously".[11]

[edit] Criticism

The Cape Party has been criticised in the press as a narrow, single-issue party without substantive policy. Commentators have alleged that its platform is racist, and particularly vilifies migrant workers from elsewhere in South Africa, who work in the Western Cape.[12] Because of these policies, political activist Zackie Achmat has compared the Cape Party to the far-right British National Party.[citation needed] The party has denied accusations of racism.[8] In addition, Justin Sylvester, a political analyst for the Institute for Democracy in South Africa, has compared the proposed Cape Republic to Orania, and described the desire for secession as a marginal view.[11]

[edit] 2011 Municipal Elections

The party will field candidates in all wards of the City of Cape Town in the municipal elections of 2011, and also contest wards of the Cape Winelands, Overberg, Eden and West Coast municipalities.[8] The party launched its manifesto for the election on 15 April 2011. Miller described the election as "an opportunity to take great steps toward our end goal of establishing the Cape Republic".[11]

In addressing the results of the 2009 elections, a party spokesperson described the Cape Party's campaign in those elections as a publicity drive, noting that it didn't expect to win any seats. He said, however, that the party hoped to win a "significant portion" of votes in 2011, adding that the party's support was growing and was strongest in people between the ages of 18 and 35. He acknowledged, however, that this was difficult for the media to believe.[8]

The Cape Party was the first political party to put up election posters in the City of Cape Town.[3] However, the party claims that 2500 of these went missing in three weeks. A party spokesman blamed the Democratic Alliance for the missing posters, calling them "masters of the dark arts", and alleging that the Cape Party posters had been replaced with posters for the DA.[25]

[edit] IEC name controversy

In 2009, the Cape Party petitioned the Independent Electoral Commission to reject the registration of another political party, the recently formed Congress of the People, on the grounds that the abbreviation of their name (Cope) could cause confusion between the two parties amongst voters, which is against the IEC's regulations. The IEC rejected the objection.[26]

[edit] Website defaced

On 17 March 2009, the party's website was defaced by vandals. The website was replaced with an image of a "black devil" and the words "fuck off".[27] Jack Miller, the party leader, alleged that the attack would have required a great deal of funding and equipment, and claimed that it had been perpetrated by one of South Africa's two largest political parties, the African National Congress or the Democratic Alliance.[28] The attack was investigated by the IEC, which has come to no conclusions.

[edit] Support for Thembu independence

In 2010, the Cape Party announced its support for the Thembu clan, whose chief has said that the clan is seeking autonomy for the clan's territory east of the Fish River.[29]-(COPY OF WIKIPEDIA)

VOLKSTAAT-(REP SOUTH AFRICA)

-FLAG OF BOER REPUBLIC-

Volkstaat (Afrikaans: People's state) is a proposal for the establishment of self determination for the Boer and Afrikaners minority in South Africa according to federal principles, alluding to full independence in the form of a homeland for Boer and Afrikaners.

Following the Great Trek, Boer pioneers expressed a drive for self determination and independence through the establishment of several Boer Republics during the 19th century. The end of minority apartheid rule in South Africa in 1994 once again left some Afrikaners disillusioned and marginalized by the political changes, and resulted in a proposal for an autonomous Volkstaat.

Different methods exist according to which a Volkstaat can be established. Outside a use of force, the South African Constitution and International Legislation present certain possibilities for establishment. The geographic dispersal of minority Boer and Afrikaner communities throughout South Africa presents a significant obstacle to the establishment of a Volkstaat, as Boer and Afrikaners do not form a majority in any separate geographic area which could be sustainable independently. Supporters of the proposal have established three land cooperatives, Orania in the Northern Cape, Kleinfontein and Balmoral in Gauteng, as a practical implementation of the proposal.

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[edit] History

Historically, Boer have had a drive for independence which resulted in the establishment of different republics in what is now the modern Republic of South Africa. These republics were proclaimed by the Voortrekkers, of which the most notable were Natalia Republic, the Orange Free State and the Transvaal. However, British rule after the Second Anglo-Boer War led to the dissolution of the last two remaining Boer states (Orange Free State and South African Republic).

Under apartheid, Afrikaner and Anglo-African culture was protected by government leadership, Afrikaans and English were the official languages, and the majority of the politicians running the country were Afrikaners. The underlying principle of apartheid was racial separatism, and the means by which this was implemented, such as the homeland system of bantustans, were extremely biased against the non-European majority as it excluded them from exercising their rights in the broader South Africa. Afrikaners held a privileged position in South African society, alongside the other Europeans.

In the late 1980s, the Afrikaner-Vryheidstigting (Afrikaner Freedom Foundation), or Avstig, was formed by Professor Carel Boshoff. Avstig proposed a Volkstaat in the Northern Cape province, in a largely rural, and minimally developed region. Avstig bought the town of Orania in 1991, and turned it into a model Volkstaat. Boshoff continues to be a representative of the Freedom Front, a political party advocating the Volkstaat concept.[2] Orania is situated at the far eastern apex of the original Volkstaat state, where the three provinces Northern Cape, Eastern Cape, and Free State nearly intersect.

[edit] Support and opposition

During the 1994 general election, Afrikaners were asked by the Freedom Front to vote for the party if they wished to form an independent state or Volkstaat for Afrikaners. The results of the election showed that the Freedom Front had the support of 424,555 voters. These voters did however not form a majority in any of South Africa's voting districts.

The Volkstaat concept is attacked on the grounds that a fundamental difference allegedly exists between a Boer ethnic state and other modern examples of so-called "stateless peoples" seeking self-determination. In alleged contrast to peoples such as the Kurds, Tamils or Chechens it is claimed that there is no "historical homeland" or even any area in South Africa where Afrikaners constitute a majority population.[2] The Afrikaner group's history only goes back about 300 years, they are the minority speakers of their language and they do not constitute a majority population in any area.

Two surveys were conducted among white South Africans, in 1993 and 1996, asking the question "How do you feel about demarcating an area for Afrikaners and other European South Africans in which they may enjoy self determination? Do you support the idea of a Volkstaat?" The 1993 survey found that 29% supported the idea, and a further 18% would consider moving to a Volkstaat. The 1996 survey found that this had decreased to 22% supporting the idea, and only 9% wanting to move to a Volkstaat. In the second survey, the proportion of European South Africans opposed to the idea had increased from 34% to 66%.[3]

The 1996 survey found that "those who in 1996 said that they would consider moving to a Volkstaat are mainly Afrikaans speaking males, who are supporters of the Conservative Party or Afrikaner Freedom Front, hold racist views (24%; slightly racist: 6%, non racist: 0%), call themselves Afrikaners and are not content with the new democratic South Africa."[3] It should be noted that no definition for a "racist view" is present in the survey, and that the issue may be confused with a minority group's right to free association.[4]

A 1999 pre-election survey suggested that the 26.9% of Afrikaners wanting to emigrate, but unable to, represented a desire for a solution such as a Volkstaat.[5]

At a conference on Afrikaner self-determination, held in Orania in October 2005, Afrikaner intellectuals showed "little enthusiasm for territorial separation", and proposed other ideas, such as "cyber-government".[6]

Hermann Giliomee cited a not otherwise specified opinion poll which according to him showed that over half of "northern Afrikaners" would prefer to live in a homeland.[7]

In January 2010, Die Beeld, an Afrikaans newspaper, held an online survey. Out of 11019 people, 56% (6178) said that they would move to a Volkstaat if one were created, a further 17% (1908) would consider it while only 27% (2933) would not consider it as a viable option.[8] This survey did not offer emigration as an alternative, something many Afrikaners have already chosen to do.

[edit] Matters creating support

Dissatisfaction with life in post-apartheid South Africa is often cited as an indication of support for the idea of a Volkstaat among Afrikaners.[9][10] A poll carried out by the Volkstaat Council among white people in Pretoria identified crime, economic problems, personal security, affirmative action, educational standards, population growth, health services, language and cultural rights, and housing as reasons to support the creation of Volkstaat.[9]

[edit] Crime

Crime has become a major problem in South Africa since the end of Apartheid. According to a survey for the period 1998 - 2000 compiled by the United Nations, South Africa was ranked second for assault and murder (by all means) per capita.[11] Total crime per capita is 10th out of the 60 countries in the data set. Nevertheless, crime has had a pronounced effect on society: many wealthier South Africans moved into gated communities, abandoning the central business districts of some cities for the relative security of suburbs.

[edit] Farm attacks

Among rural Boers and Afrikaners, violent crime committed against the white farming community has contributed significantly to a hardening of attitudes. Between 1998 and 2001 there were some 3,500 recorded farm attacks in South Africa. The attacks have resulted in the murder of 541 farmers, their families or their workers, during only three years. On average more than two farm attack related murders are committed every week.[2]

The Freedom Front interprets this as racial violence targeting Boer and Afrikaner: In mid-2001 the Freedom Front appealed to the United Nations Human Rights Commission to place pressure on the South African government to do something about the murder of Boer and Afrikaner farmers, which "had taken on the shape of an ethnic massacre". Freedom Front leader, Pieter Mulder, claimed that most farm attacks seemed orchestrated, and that the motive for the attacks was not only criminal. Mulder further claimed that "a definite anti-Boer climate had taken root in South Africa. People accused of murdering Boers and Afrikaners were often applauded by supporters during court appearances".[2]

The independent Committee of Inquiry into Farm Attacks, appointed by the National Commissioner of Police, published a report in 2003, however, indicating that European people were not targeted exclusively, that theft occurred in most attacks, and that the proportion of European victims had decreased in the four years preceding the report.[12]

In 2010, several international news publications reported that over 3, 000 white farmers had been murdered since 1994.[13] This reportage was increased when the far-right political figure, Eugene Terre'Blanche was murdered on his farm.[14]

[edit] Rise in unemployment

Despite a deterioration of the situation since the end of apartheid, Afrikaners have one of the highest rates of employment, and of job satisfaction, in the country. European unemployment has experienced the greatest proportional increase between 1995 and 2001: 19.7% compared to a national average of 27%. In 2001 some 228,000 economically active whites were unemployed.[2]

Job satisfaction among employed Afrikaners is second to that of English-speaking European people, with a survey in 2001 showing that 78% of Afrikaner respondents were either "very satisfied", or "fairly satisfied", with their employment situation.[15] This is worse than the situation under apartheid, when all whites were afforded special treatment, it is likely that those Afrikaners who are unemployed will tend to support initiatives such as the Volkstaat. In Wingard's words, "They will be easy meat for activists."[10]

One in five white South Africans emigrated during the decade ending 2005 due to crime and Affirmative Action.[16] Affirmative Action is implemented by South African legislation, according to which all business employees should reflect the total demographic make up of the country, placing significant difficulty on European South Africans to enter the job market.

[edit] Emigration

According to the 1999 pre-election survey, 2.5% of Afrikaner respondents were emigrating, 26.4% would leave if they could , and 5.3% were considering emigrating. The majority, 64.9%, are definitely staying. The survey suggested that the 26.9% of Afrikaners wanting to emigrate, but unable to, represented a desire for a solution such as a Volkstaat.[5]

A survey released by the South African Institute for Race Relations during September 2006, indicated that a decline in South Africa's white population was estimated at 16.1% for the decade ending 2005.[16]

[edit] Reduced political representation

The Afrikaners, a minority group in South Africa, relinquished their dominance of the minority rule over South Africa during the 1994 democratic elections and now only play a small role in South African politics. Some Afrikaners, such as the members of the Volkstaat Council,[10] felt that equal representation did not provide adequate protection for minorities, and desired self rule. The Volkstaat was proposed as one means of achieving this.

Thabo Mbeki, then President of South Africa, quoted an Afrikaner leader with whom he had been engaged in negotiations, "One of our interlocutors expressed this in the following way that 'the Afrikaner is suffering from the hangover of loss of power' resulting in despondency."[9]

[edit] Endangered cultural heritage

In 2002 a number of towns and cities with historic Afrikaans names dating back to Voortrekker times—such as Pietersburg and Potgietersrus—had their names changed, often in the face of popular opposition to the change.[2] In the same year the government decided that state departments had to choose a single language for inter- and intra-departmental communication, effectively compelling public servants to communicate using English with one another.[2]

Of the 31 universities in South Africa, five were historically Afrikaans (Free State, Potchefstroom, Pretoria, Rand Afrikaans University and Stellenbosch). In mid-2002 the national Minister of Education, Kader Asmal, announced that Afrikaans medium universities must implement parallel teaching in English, despite a proposal by a government appointed commission that two Afrikaans universities should be retained to further Afrikaans as an academic language. According to the government’s language policy for higher education “the notion of Afrikaans universities runs counter to the end goal of a transformed higher education system".[2]

[edit] Movements for the Volkstaat

The Volkstaat as proposed by Freedom Front[17]

The Freedom Front has been the major political driving force for the formation of a Volkstaat. This Afrikaner-focused political party has representation in the national Parliament as well as several Provincial legislatures in South Africa. Support for this party has however decreased to just under 140,000 votes, being less than 1% of the total votes cast (6% among Afrikaners) by the 2004 National elections. The Freedom Front advocates following the Belgian, Canadian and Spanish models of granting territorial autonomy to linguistic minorities, believing it the only way to protect the rights of Afrikaner people. Under this policy, it proposes the creation of an Afrikaner homeland, comprising the area that lies in the North Western Cape between the West Coast and the Orange River.[17]

The Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging have recently made headlines for their re-activation and plans of establishing an independent Boer state. He claims the Boers have contracts conferring ownership of areas such as Stellaland and Goosen, which the party is prepared to take to The Hague if necessary.[18]

Die Boeremag (Boer force/power) was a violent Boer separatist organisation. Most of its members were arrested in 2003, and are currently facing charges of treason.[2] Similar violent methods towards Volkstaat were employed by the Orde van die Dood in the 1980s.[19]

[edit] Orania and Kleinfontein

One Volkstaat attempt is the small town of Orania in the Northern Cape province. The land on which Orania is built is privately owned, and Afrikaners have been encouraged by promoters of the Volkstaat concept to move to Orania, although only a small number has responded, resulting in a population of approximately 600 in 2001, 10 years after being established. Support for Orania recently seems to be growing somewhat with their recent economic "boom". Today, Orania is home to about 546 Afrikaner families (1,523 inhabitants) but has approximately 10000 'uitwoners' or 'ex'habitants who are part of the Orania Movement.[20][21] Another attempt is the settlement of Kleinfontein outside Pretoria (in the Tshwane metropolitan area). Both towns fall within larger municipalities, and are not self-governing. Orania is currently petitioning the government to become a separate municipality.[6]

[edit] Legal basis

Section 235 of the South African Constitution allows for the right to self determination of any community, which shares a common culture and language, within a territorial entity within the Republic, or in any other way, as described by national legislation.[22]

This section of the constitution was one of the negotiated settlements during the handing over of political power in 1994. The Freedom Front was instrumental in including this section in the constitution. No national legislation in this regard has yet been enacted for any ethnic group, however.

International legislation presents a recourse for the establishment of a Volkstaat over and above than what the South African Constitution offers. This legislation is available to all minorities who wish to obtain self determination in the form of independence.

The requirements set by international legislation are explained by Prof C. Lloyd Brown-John of the University of Windsor, Ontario as follows: "A minority who are geographically separate and who are distinct ethnically and culturally and who have been placed in a position of subordination may have a right to secede. That right, however, could only be exercised if there is a clear denial of political, linguistic, cultural and religious rights."[23] The rights awarded to minorities were formally enshrined by the United Nations General Assembly when it adopted resolution 47/135 on 18 December 1992.[4]

[edit] Governmental response

On Thursday 5 June 1998, mr. Valli Moosa (then minister of constitutional development in the ANC government) stated during a parliamentary budget debate that "the ideal of some Afrikaners to develop the North Western Cape as a home for the Afrikaner culture and language within the framework of the Constitution and the charter of human rights is viewed by the government as a legitimate ideal".[24]

[edit] Volkstaat Council

The Volkstaat Council was an organisation of 20 people, created by the South African government, via the Volkstaat Council Act in 1994.[25] This was in accordance with sections 184A and 184B of the 1993 South African Constitution, which state: "The Council shall serve as a constitutional mechanism to enable proponents of the idea of a Volkstaat to constitutionally pursue the establishment of such a Volkstaat…"[26]

The council's funding was terminated in 1999, without the council being formally disbanded. The council produced a final report, making three key recommendations:[10]

  1. That areas with an Afrikaner majority should enjoy "territorial self-determination". Areas identified included the region around Pretoria, and a region of the Northern Cape Province.
  2. That the government establish an "Afrikaner Council", as an advisory board to the government. "Representation in parliament, where numerical power is all that mattered, was not seen as a democratic system for minorities."
  3. That the government create legislation enacting the other two points. Draft legislation for the Afrikaner Council was provided.

The provisions in the constitution allowing for formation of the council were removed in 2001, by the Repeal of Volkstaat Council Provisions Act, in accordance with the original act.[27]

Johann Wingard, chair of the council, expressed the view in 2005 that he doubted if any government official ever opened any of the reports to read them. The opposite is suggested, however, by the fact that then deputy president, Thabo Mbeki, and then Minister of Home Affairs, Dr Mangosuthu Buthelezi, quoted figures from Volkstaat Council reports in a report to parliament in 1999.[9] Nelson Mandela, the president at the time, specially requested that the delivery of the report be delayed until he could attend its presentation personally.

Subsequent to the disbanding of the Volkstaat Council, the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities was established in 2003.[28] This committee is charged with the protection of the rights to cultural identity of all self-identifying groups in South Africa, including Afrikaners. The committee includes an Afrikaner, JCH Landman, who is also a member of the Afrikaner Alliance. The reports from the Volkstaat Council were to be handed over to this committee.[9]

The ANC government formalised their stance on the issue in 1998-1999, when they declared that they would not support a Volkstaat, but would do everything they could to ensure the protection of the Afrikaner language and culture, along with the other minority cultures in the country.[9] Wingard stated in 2005 that only a "civil war" would enable Afrikaners to gain independence in any part of South Africa.[10] (COPY OF WIKIPEDIA)

SOUTHWESTERN SOMALIA-(SOMALIA)

Southwestern State of Somalia
Unrecognized state of Somalia

2002–2006


Flag of Southwestern Somalia

Flag

Capital Baidoa
Government Self-declared state of Somalia
History
- Established 2002
- Disestablished February 10, 2006

Southwestern Somalia (Somali: Koonfur-Galbeed Soomaaliya) was an ostensibly autonomous self-proclaimed state in Somalia founded by Hasan Muhammad Nur Shatigadud, leader of the Rahanweyn Resistance Army (RRA) on April 1, 2002.[1][2] The state was officially the Southwestern State of Somalia (SWS) (Somali: Dowlad Goboleedka Koonfur-Galbeed ee Soomaaliya) and intended to consist of six Somali administrative regions (gobolka); These are the Bay, Bakool, Middle Juba (Jubada Dhexe), Lower Shabelle (Shabeelada Hoose), Gedo, and Lower Juba (Jubada Hoose) regions where the majority of the residents of Rahanweyn Digil-Mirifle and May-May Somali speakers. The organization of the autonomous state was a move to show the disaffection of the RRA with the nascent Mogadishu-based Transitional National Government (TNG) and an act to counter the influence of the Somalia Reconciliation and Restoration Council (SRRC) in the same regions.[2]

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[edit] Rivalry and reconciliation within the RRA

After 3 October 2002 (except for a brief period on 14 December–16 December 2002), the regional capital Baidoa was controlled by Sheikh Aden Madobe and Muhammad Ibrahim Habsade. Shatigudud and Madobe reconciled on September 23, 2003, but the rivalry with Habsade continued. All three, including Habsade, were appointed Members of Parliament in the Transitional Federal Parliament (TFP) in November 2004.[3] In January 2005, the traditional Rahanweyn Clan elders and civic society leaders again helped reconcile Shatigadud, Madobe, and Habsade. At that time, both Shatigadud and Madobe also became ministers in the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) of Prime Minister Ali Muhammad Ghedi.[4]

However, in May 2005, Mohamed Ibrahim Habsade accused Madobe and Shatigudud of attacking Baidoa to take the city on behalf of President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, who later used the city to establish a new interim capital within the country. In May 2005 alone, 19 were killed and 28 wounded in the fight over the city.[5]

All three were in Baidoa on February 10, 2006 helping host the Transitional Federal Parliament (TFP) of Somalia hold its first Parliamentary session in Somalia (before this date, Parliament met in Kenya due to security problems in Somalia). The Transitional Federal Government based itself out of Baidoa and held little direct authority over any territory. Territorial administration often remained in the hands of the specific warlords, in this case Shatigadud, Madobe, and Habsade.

Shatigadud remains the popular leader of the Rahanweyn and, since his return, he has been named as the Chairman of the Council of the Rahanweyn court with both Madobe and Habsade being members. Habsade is allowed to be the local chief.[citation needed]

[edit] Conflict with the Islamic Courts Union

During the War in Somalia (2006–2009), the Bay region was heavily contested between Southwestern Somalian and Transitional Federal Government forces, who controlled the Baidoa, and Qansax Dheere districts, and the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), who controlled Diinsoor and Buur Hakaba (despite being captured twice by government forces for brief periods). The forces of the TFG and Southwestern Somalia, backed by Ethiopian troops, were victorious at the Battle of Baidoa.

[edit] Current status

Southwestern Somalia has largely thrown its lot in with the Transitional Federal Government, and has abandoned the idea of autonomy.

(COPY OF WIKIPEDIA)

MAAKHIR-(SOMALIA)

Maakhir State
ولاية ماخر الصومال
Flag Coat of arms
Anthem: Somalia Tosow
Capital
(and largest city)
Badhan
Official language(s) Somali and Arabic
Government Federal State within Somalia
- President Jibrell Ali Salad
- Vice-President Ahmed Guure Adan
Autonomy from Somaliland and Puntland
- Proclaimed 1 July 2007
- Government Dissolved 6 April 2008
- Rejoined Puntland 11 January 2009
Area
- Total 35,000 km2
13,514 sq mi
Population
- estimate 700,000
Currency Somali shilling (SOS)
Time zone EAT (UTC+3)
- Summer (DST) not observed (UTC+3)
Internet TLD .so
Calling code 252 (Somalia)

Maakhir (Somali: Goboleedka Maakhir; Arabic: ماخرMaakhirian), officially the Maakhir State of Somalia (Somali: Maamul Goboleedka Maakhiran, Arabic: ولاية ماخر الصومالWilaayatul baladul Maakhir balad- aṣ-Ṣūmmāal) was an autonomous region in northern Somalia in an area disputed by the Somaliland and Puntland macro-regions. In January 2009, it was incorporated into Puntland.[1]

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[edit] Autonomy

Maakhir was a self-proclaimed state that formally represented the political will of ethnic Warsangali-Darod from the North and South in federal Somalia.[citation needed] It is the indigenous territory of the Warsangali, a member of the Harti confederation of clans (along with the Dhulbahante and Majeerteen) of the Darod. The Warsangali were originally one of the principal actors in the creation of the Puntland State as a successor to the Harti Sultanates after the collapse of the central government in Somalia in 1991. However, since the proclamation of an autonomous Puntland in 1998, the Warsangali have been increasingly sidelined as the Majeerteen clan has assumed a hegemonic role in the state.[2] Maakhir was brought back into the Puntland fold by General Abdullahi Ahmed Jama ‘Ilkajir’ , who contested the Puntland election. General Ilkajir became the de-facto leader of Maakhir following the dissolution of the Maakhir administration.

Maakhir State proclaimed autonomy at a 1 July 2007 ceremony in Badhan in response to overlapping claims of both Somaliland and Puntland over the western Sanaag and western Bari, both of which have led to several gun battles over control of the territory between Somaliland and Puntland.[3] Puntland and Somaliland have both signed oil concessions in this part of Sanaag,[4] without the consent of the local leadership,[5] which also contributed to the desire of the local Warsangali to administer their own affairs, as well as resolve disputes with Mohamud Muse Hersi, the former President of Puntland.[6] In addition to most of Sanaag.

Maakhir's form of self-governance like Puntland rested on the building block model of Federal Somalia—endorsed by the International community, a bottom-up approach of reconstituting the Somali Republic. This self-governing model which mandates a decentralized local levelof government in Somalia is seen as a workable long-term political strategy in resolving inter-tribal conflicts and ending a general disorderliness.

Maakhir built institutions such as civil society, law enforcement, xeer (customary law), and Shariah-based district courts. It also established a local military and naval establishment that protects the region's marine and land resources and which provides safety and access to the flow and supply of humanitarian aid, the normal operation of international and local NGOs, as well as the implementation of UNDP programs. Maakhir's other stated aim was to provide much-needed public services by opening up a treasury office in Badhan, to ensure governance structures for the safety and maintenance of Laasqoray Port, and the protection of private local enterprises whose operational management and ownership fall under the guidance of the private sector of Maakhir state.[7] A third objective was to manage the complex local conflicts by strengthening the already existing traditional mechanisms, which will be consolidated and run by the Department of Justice.

Maakhir sought to structure consensus around peace, internal security, market stability, cooperation and unity of purpose with its neighbors; and build bridges of trust and social harmony across dividing political lines and between opposing interests and groupings.

Neither Somaliland or Puntland ever recognised the state. Despite rumored talks with Ali Mohammed Ghedi, the former Prime Minister of Somalia, the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia declined to comment on the status of Maakhir and regarded Puntland as the official authority of the region.[8]

[edit] History

Ground royal troops of Warsangeli Sultanate

Maakhir State of Somalia was the descendant of the Sultanate of Mohamoud Ali Shire (Warsangali Sultanate) which is the oldest sultanate in Somalia with a rich history and heritage. The old capital of the Warsangali sultanate was Las Khorey.

The Sultanate of Mohamoud Ali Shire was considered by colonial authorities as having largely hegemonic authority over the other Harti sultanates, and the Warsangali played a large role in 19th century administration of Italian and British Somaliland. As the 20th century began however, the British and Italians ended the independence of the semi-independent Sultanates, and the Harti Confederation was dissolved in the midst of Italian and British rule, ending the traditional role of the Warsangali. Sultan Mohamoud Ali Shireh was exiled to the Seychelles – "the islands to which many prominent anti-colonial leaders used to be exiled".[9]

After independence, the Majeerteen emerged as the leaders of the Harti group following the USP's merger with SYL—active political parties on the eve of Somali independence. The Warsangali have however maintained their preeminent position as the traditional leaders of the Harti. This has challenged Puntland's attempts to assert its authority in Sanaag and western Bari.[10]

[edit] Disputes with Puntland

The disputes between Maakhir and Puntland had centered around ex-Puntland president Adde Musa's exploration deals with Range Resources, a mining and oil corporation registered in Australia and his refusal to recognize Maakhir's declaration of autonomy. Despite intensive gun battles at the border, Puntland state insisted that the territory was part of its sphere of influence. Moreover, Puntland continued to carry on business as usual, when such business was exactly what caused the Declaration of autonomy in the first place.

[edit] Conflicts with Puntland over charcoal

Maakhir banned charcoal production due to the desertification it causes to the fragile Somali environment. Puntland had ignored the ban and sent several expeditions into Maakhir, with Puntland militia protecting the charcoal traders. Clashes between Puntland militias escorting charcoal traders and Maakhir militias attempting to stop charcoal production had occurred numerous times since the ban, in Mijayahan,[11] Wa'iye and Sarmanyo.[12]

Puntland maintained its public statement that it did not recognize Maakhir.[13] The demand for charcoal from Arab states of the Persian Gulf, sometimes referred to as the "Black Gem" due to its profitability, has fueled the clashes.

In order to contain the charcoal expeditions, most of which are heavily armed and backed by big business interests, the Maakhir authority created a volunteer patrol force, the "Environmental Protection Corps".[14]

[edit] Blockade of Bosaso

A dispute with Puntland over the arrest of prominent Warsangeli businessmen from Bosaso prompted the Maakhir government to blockade the highway to Bosaso until the men were released.[15]

[edit] Somaliland military incursions

On February 25–26, 2008, a Somaliland-aligned, well armed force laid siege to Hadaftimo, causing a brief state of emergency before the force withdrew back to western Erigavo. Maakhir authority responded with a military buildup in the Maakhir-controlled part of Erigavo.[citation needed]

Hostilities re-emerged on July 9, 2008, when Somaliland invaded and occupied Laas Qoray port for few hours, under the pretext of a rescue mission (German citizens were allegedly being held hostage in Laas Qoray by pirates).[16]

[edit] Puntland incorporation

In January 2009, Maakhir was officially incorporated into Puntland.[1]

[edit] Administrative divisions

Map of Maakhir

Maakhir claimed the following administrative divisions currently regarded under its control:

Laasqoray, Maakhir, Somalia
Arabian horses, colloquially referred to as Sunaari, seen here in the arid plains of Dhahar, Maakhir, Somalia
    • Buraan - Maakhir Authority is planning to open a University in this city.
Hadaaftimo, Maakhir, Somalia

[edit] Cities and towns

The biggest cities in the area claimed by Maakhir Authority are Badhan, Las Khorey, Dhahar, Buraan, Hadaftimo, Yubbe, Hingalol, Damalla-Hagare, Eilbuh and Erigavo.

[edit] Politics and government

Parliamentary Seats

As Somalis are a largely nomadic people, parliamentary seats are designated by lineage and clan, this being their constituency.[citation needed]
Warsangeli Seats
Subclan Seats Location
Adan Sa'iid 3 Hadaaftimo,Badhan, Laasqoray,mashaxaleed. central and Coastal sanag
Bah-Majeerteen 3 Badhan,Laasqoray, Eilbuh, Hadaaftimo,Erigavo, Central Sanaag
Gashanbur 2 Buraan, East Sanaag
Warlabe 1 Badhan, Central Sanaag
Ogayslabe 1 Badhan, Hadaaftimo, ceerigaabo
Reer Saalah 3 Midigale,Xingalool,Badhan, Buraan, Habar-shiro, Laasqoray Central Sanaag
Muhumud 1 Shinbirale, Western Sanaag
Rer Faatah 1 Laasqoray,Badhan, Durduri, Central and North Sanag respectively)

Nouh Omar 1 Erigavo,Yubbe,Gelweyte, near Mait, North Sanaag
Bahogayslabe 1 Erigavo, Carmaale, Damale Haggare, Western Sanaag
Bahidoor 1 Hingalool, South Sanaag
Jibrel Sa'iid 1 Erigavo,Darasalaam, Western Sanaag
Adan Yakub 1 Hingalool, South Sanaag
Dubays 9 Dhahar, Elayo, Bosaso, Galgala in Eastern Sanaag
Awramale 5 Kismayo, Bulo Haji
Other Seats
Minority Group Seats Location
Women 5 Not specified
Dir clans 2 Laasqoray, Erigavo

The disputed status between Puntland and Somaliland has also meant that Sanaag as a whole may not have received all the available and apportioned aid from UN non-governmental organizations (NGO)s and aid agencies. The newly established Maakhir government has made this issue one of their first priorities, and appealed to the Warsangali Diaspora for assistance.[17]

[edit] Government

Due to drought conditions, administrative problems and threats of invasion from Somaliland, the government of Maakhir was dissolved on the 6th of April 2008 by governmental and presidential decree. President Jibril promised a new government by June 2008, but Warsangelis decided instead to rally behind the campaign to elect General Ilkajir as President of Puntland. By the swearing in of the new president of Puntland, Abdirahman Mohamud Farole, Maakhir had fully rejoined Puntland.

The two branches of government in Maakhir (the Parliament and the Executive) were led by:

  • President Jibril Ali Salad - President of Maakhir
  • Eng. Ahmed Guure Aadan - The House of Representative Speaker

[edit] State secretaries

Maakhir State of Somalia had 17 State secretaries.

Former President Salad has appointed seven people to his cabinet on the 4 August 2007,[18] Mr. Ahmed Sheikh Salah resigned from cabinet due to health reasons, and four more secretaries were added on September 8, 2007, then another seven on September 8, 2007[19] establishing the following State Secretaries (called Xoghayaashan in Somali):

  • Mr. Ahmed Hussein Yuusuf - Secretary of State for Interior and Security Department
  • ENG Saeed Adan Saeed - Secretary of State for Housing.
  • Mr. Ahmed Faarah Ali - Secretary State for Finance and Commerce.
  • Mr. Iimaan Haji Warsame Faarah - Secretary of State for Environment.
  • Mr. Mohamud Mohamed Iise - Secretary of State for Social and Labor & Employers affairs.
  • Mr. Sa'iid Du'aale Mohamed - Secretary of State for Transports.
  • Mr. Sadik Abdi Misan - Secretary of State for Natural Resources
  • Mr. Ali Sa'iid Osmaan Qodah - Secretary of State for Trade and Manufacturing
  • Mr. Abdurrahman Sa'iid Ahmed - Secretary of State for International Relations
  • Prof. Ali Abdurrahman Hirsi - Secretary of State for Federal relations
  • Prof. Mohamed Ali Mohamed - Secretary of State for reconciliation and peace affairs.
  • Mr. Omar Liibaan Arab - Secretary of State for justice and Religious affairs.
  • Ms. Zainab Ismaa'iil Mohamed - Secretary of State for Family welfare.
  • Dr. Ahmed Ali Mire - Secretary of State for Agricultures and Livestock
  • Mr. Abdulkadir Mohamed Sa'iid - Secretary of State for Fishing and marine resources.
  • Eng. Abdirizak Ali Mohamed (Black) - Secretary of State for Media and Culture.
  • Mr. Ali Mohamud Nuur (Ali Sanaag) - Commander of Maakhir Police Forces.

The Parliament of Maakhir had 38 members.[20]

[edit] Recognition

Maakhir had received legitimate political support from Asha Abdalla, who represented Sanaag in the Transitional Federal Parliament.[21] The state was never formally recognized by the TFG as a whole.

[edit] See also-(COPY OF WIKIPEDIA)

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